NIGERIA PEOPLES AND CULTURES

Africa with Culture

COMPILED WORK ON NIGERIA 

PEOPLES AND CULTURES BY THE 2005/2006 3RD YEAR STUDENTS OF THE SPIRITAN SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHY ISIENU-NSUKKA

Edited by Paschal C. Anyanwu

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

KOLANUT (OJI) IN IGBO TRADITIONAL CULTURE  

INTRODUCTION 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON ‘KOLANUT’

ETYMOLOGY OF ‘KOLANUT’

WHY THE KOLANUT?

KOLANUT AS LIFE-AFFIRMING PRINCIPLE 

KOLANUT AS A SYMBOL OF POWER AND LEADERSHIP

KOLANUT AS A RITUAL AGENT

MINISTRATION OF KOLANUT

FEATURES OF KOLANUT 

TO THE WOMAN GROUP 

TO THE KINSMEN (UMUNNA)

BLESSING OF KOLANUT (IGO OJI)

RIGHT OF BREAKING THE KOLANUT 

GENERAL EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION

REFERENCES  

PRESENTATION: OMU – THE TENDER PALM LEAVES

INTRODUCTION 

WHO ARE THE IGBO PEOPLE?

ORIIGIN OF THE IGBO PEOPLE

NRI MYTH 

ISREAL MYTH 

WHAT IS OMU? 

AS ASYMBOL OF WARNING 

AS A SYMBOL OF ARBITRATION AND LITIGATON 

AS A SYMBOL OF WAR 

AS A SYMBOL OF HONOUR 

AS A SYMBOL OF JOY 

AS ASYMBOL OF SACEDNESS

CONCLUSION

CONCEPT OF MBARI IN IGBO TRADITIONAL CULTURE

INTRODUCTION

HISTORICAL ORIGIN OF MBARI

SYMBOLISM 

THE MBARI SYMBOLISM

CONSTRUCTION OF MBARI

RITUALIZATION OF MBARI

SIGNIFICANCE OF MBARI

EVALUATION 

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

NAMES IN TIV TRADITIONAL CULTURE

INTRODUCTION 

HOW NAMES ARE GIVEN IN TIV 

NAMES THAT DEPICT BELIEF IN THE CONCEPT OF ETERNITY)

THOSE THAT PORTRAY THE SUPREMACY OF GOD AND THE COMMUNITY (COUNCIL OF ELDERS) 

NAMES THAT RECORD IMPORTANT EVENTS IN HISTORY

NAMES THAT EMBODY THE TIV WORLDVIEW OR COSMOLOGY

NAMES THAT EXPRESS SOCIAL RELATION 

NAMES THAT EXPRESS INEVITABILITY OF DEATH

NAMES THAT PORTRAY THE HELPLESSNESS OF MAN

NAMES THAT EXPRESS THANKSGIVING TO GOD

CONCLUSION  

CULTURAL IDENTITY OF THE IDOMA CULTURAL GROUP

INTRODUCTION 

BRIEF ORIGIN OF THE IDOMA PEOPLE

GOEGRAPHICAL AND RELIGIUIOS ORGANIZATION

SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AMONG THE IDOMA

CULTURAL IDENTITY: IDOM TRIBAL MARK AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

KOLANUT (OJI) IN IGBO TRADITIONAL CULTURE INTRODUCTION First and foremost, it will be pertinent to know who the Igbo people are before we delve into our discussion. We do not intend to go into the old speculative arguments about the theories of Igbo origin and expansion. The people we intend to focus on in this work are found in the South-Eastern geographical location of Nigeria and presently comprise the people of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo and parts of Delta, Rivers, Cross River and Akwa-Ibom States. The Igbo have common boundaries with the Igala and Idoma on the North, and Ijaw and the Ogoni on the South, the Yako and the Ibibio on the Eastern boundary, and the Bini and Warri on the West. The Igbo Culture Area identify five basic traits, which include: Linguistic, Social, Political, Economic and Ritual. There are five identifiable sub-cultural areas within the Igbo culture area. These are: v Eastern or Cross River Igbo v Southern or Owerri Igbo v Northern or Onitsha Igbo v Western Igbo v North-Eastern Igbo. Inspite of the obvious sub-cultural differences, the Igbo see themselves as one people, and at non-Igbo people also consider them as a homogeneous entity. They are a unique people. While the Yoruba would find their kins in Burkina Faso and Benin, and the Hausa find theirs in Chad and Niger, for example, historians are yet to place the Igbo anywhere else other than in South-Eastern Nigeria. In this presentation, we have adopted the evaluation of each sub-topic as it is discussed, in order to make for better clarification and understanding, so that, at the end, we shall only give a general evaluation and conclusion. PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON ‘KOLANUT’ The inquiry into the traditional Igbo world-view, with particular reference to the ‘kolanut’, begins with the etymology of ‘kolanut’. The aim here is to investigate into the origin of, the reason for the special application of, and the peculiar status of ‘kolanut’ in the Igbo traditional society. In this regard the available materials that deal on these could be organised under four headings namely: v Those that deal on ‘kolanut’ or ‘kola’ as life-affirming principle v Those that deal on ‘kola’ as a symbol of continuity v Those that deal on ‘kola’ as a symbol of power and leadership, and v Those that deal on ‘kola’ as a ritual agent. ETYMOLOGY OF ‘KOLANUT’ According to Ofoegbu Ukaegbu, there is a popular but cheap etymology of the ‘kolanut’, or ‘Oji’ in Igbo, where ‘O’ stands for ‘Omenala’ (custom); ‘J’ stands for ‘Jikotara’ (that unites); and ‘I’ stands for ‘Igbo’. Thus, ‘Oji’ means ‘Omenala Jikotara Igbo’, that is, the ‘custom that unites the Igbo.’1 The problem we might encounter with this account is that it does not provide sufficient explanation on how and why the kolanut is regarded as the custom that unites the Igbo. The account of Ukaegbu merely demonstrates that kolanut is the custom that unites the Igbo. One may be inclined to ask why, in the first instance, must the kolanut (cola acuminata) be in consonance with the ‘Omenala’? This ‘Omenala’ is the sum total of Igbo religion, morality, custom and etiquette. It is the culmination of the different values – religious, moral, social, political and ethical, which the Igbo cherish and nurture.2 ‘Omenala’ is therefore, the basic foundation on which any new values or innovations must be laid. ‘Omenala’, ipso facto, remains a point of reference, and a guide against deviation. In Igboland friendly visits appear to be one of the greatest honours to hosts. To show appreciation to the guest, every host looks for a very suitable present to use to express his happiness and acceptance of the guest. To accomplish this task, he goes for a most suitable present, which is usually the kolanut. Furthermore, it is custom that unites the Igbo, following the account of Mazi Onyeke Okoroafo, who opines that kolanut is a bond of unity among the Igbo, because it is used to effect a peace settlement between two or more communities having some dispute between them.3 He goes further to posit that during the peace ceremony, kolanuts were among the main items needed. The ceremony was conducted by the elders of the warring groups. First of all, a tunnel was dug, and through this the elders from each side handed over kolanuts to those on the other side, and both parties ate the kolanuts on behalf of the warring youth, after which the bond of unity was finally sealed, and both parties feasted from a common dish. In spite of this, this account does not explain why kolanut should be used for such purpose in the first place. This account merely demonstrates how kolanut once more unites two disputing communities. At this juncture, having seen the main characteristic feature of the ‘cola acuminata’, that is, as the custom that unites the Igbo, we shall now proceed to discuss why it is the kolanut and not any other crop that is used in the Igbo world-view. WHY THE KOLANUT? This section has to do with the reason why the kolanut has so much social and spiritual significance attached to it. Traditionally, kolanut is grown to meet up with some social and ritual obligations. ‘Cola acuminata’, known in Igbo as the ‘Oji Igbo’ is less plentiful, less important, less commercial important and less disease resistant than the ‘cola nitada’.4 Even though some other crops like the garden egg, bread fruit, African star apple and others are used for social obligations, they are not in the same pedestal as the kolanut. There is a myth that explains the reason for the elevated status the kolanut enjoys in Igbo culture, and the emergence of the four Igbo market days. Opata Damian has it that there was once four enigmatic people who visited a place in Igboland. They could neither talk nor eat anything. However, by mere stroke of luck or coincidence, someone gave them a piece of kolanut, and to the consternation of all the assembled people, the strangers were suddenly given to speech, and they revealed their names simply as ‘Eke’, ‘Orie’, ‘Afor’ and ‘Nkwo’.5 By this singular act, the kolanut is said to have gained significance, not only as the food of the spirits, but also as something that gives life. This is because, in Igboland, someone who could neither speak nor eat anything is a misfit and is as good as dead. In this account, the kolanut gave life, and the names revealed by the four enigmatic people – ‘Eke’, ‘Orie’, ‘Afor’ and ‘Nkwo’ are very important in Igbo traditional society, in that they symbolize the four different deities of the four market days in Igboland. It other words, it appears that whatever has to do with Igbo traditional society emerged from this four enigmatic people who visited the land sometime in the past. We may infer that from the account, the ‘WHY’ of kolanut as the custom that unites the Igbo – ‘Omenala Jikotara Igbo’ manifests prominently in Igbo world-view, and as the life-affirming principle because no other crops were presented to the four strangers. Even though it might be argued that other crops may have been presented to the visiting strangers, yet the one that resuscitated and motivated their life was the kolanut. We shall now consider the life-affirming principle of the kolanut in detail. KOLANUT AS LIFE-AFFIRMING PRINCIPLE Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it centres on the human being. Igbo people usually say ‘Ndubu-isi’ (life first). It has been observed that the overall conceptualization of the kolanut among the Igbo is that it is a life-affirming principle. kolanut presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing are significant in Igboland. The ritual invocation will include Chukwu, the ancestors, the clan deities, the spirit forces, especially the market days. Finally, the invocation would normally end with an affirmation of life, thus: Ndi ebe anyi - Our people Anyi ga adi - We shall live Anyi choro ka anyi diri - We have prayed for life O bughi ka anyi nwuo - Not for death. This final affirmation of life is significant because one of the first statements surrounding kolanut-breaking ritual in Igboland is: Onye wetara oji wetara ndu (he who brings kola brings life). Most often the invocation for eating the kolanut in a gathering that goes like this, in the English translation: God the Creator, the greatest, the King of heaven, we greet you, for allowing us see the new day. May each of you take his share, may what brings my visitors here bring progress and prosperity. We call you to come and bless this Kolanuts, so that as we eat it, we shall have health, children and long life (Ashiegbu V., 2001, p. 21). Among the Igbo, everything that IS has a life, and to be alive is the aspiration of every living thing. Oji (kolanut) is life because he who brings it brings life in the dual sense: v That signifies welcome and friendship, and v That the prayer for good and long life, which precedes its breaking and eating, would be accepted by the ancestors. Paul E. Lovejoy (1980:2) lists forty medicinal uses of kolanut, collected at the beginning of the 20th Century, which include relief from hunger, fatigue and thirst as important properties along with cures of headaches and sexual impotence. For the Igbo, nothing can be more life-affirming like this very facts. In other words, kolanut in Igbo world-view touches on the principal essence of existence – being alive and sustaining it. Another sense by which kolanut is life-affirming is that it has the innate quality of helping to keep people awake, and being awake in the ordinary sense is for the living not for the dead. kolanut touches on the principal essence of existence – being alive and sustaining it. For them, therefore, there is no better means of preserving this fact than continuously celebrating it at the least opportunity offered. It is said that “the Yoruba grow the kolanut, the Hausa eat it like a staple food, but we Igbo celebrate it.”6 Besides these, kolanut serves as a means of soliciting for long life and prosperity from the ancestors, which is a kind of life-affirming. According to Isichei Elizabeth, the paternal ancestral veneration takes place once a year during which the Eze leads the way in venerating the paternal ancestors. This is done by first giving portions of kolanuts to the idols through which the ancestors are represented. They ask the ancestors to save them from harm, ward off evils and avert dangers of all kinds from them, which is a kind of life preservation. After all said and done, they share the remaining kolanuts and drinks among those present at the sacrifice.7 This takes us to the next traditional feature of Kolanut. KOLANUT AS A SYMBOL OF POWER AND LEADERSHIP In addition to the above, kolanut is also closely associated with power and leadership. Professor B. C. Nze has it that the relation of kolanut to leadership can further be illustrated by a legend, which speaks of the visit of the founding fathers of the Igbo to the home of the gods, where the gods asked them to choose a fruit from all the fruits in the orchard of the gods. The founding fathers chose Oji as the king of all the fruits, and because it came from the gods it was and still is used to communicate with the gods (as a sacred fruit from the gods).8 The problem with this account is that it does not give the reason for the founding fathers choosing the kolanut among other fruits, and how the kolanut became the king of all the fruits. It might be plausible to argue that the gods preferred kolanut and schemed it in such a way that the founding fathers must choose it among all other fruits. However, F. C. Ogbalu opines that in some places of Igboland, it is the prerogative of the elder or a titled man to bless and break the kolanut, while at some other places, it is the youngest that assumes the responsibility. Considering this account it seems that the blessing and breaking of kolanut in Igbo traditional society goes with some kind of authority, in the sense that when an elder or a titled man becomes a leader, he now serves as a bridge-builder in that particular community between the living and the mystical beings. By bridge-building we mean whoever assumes the position of being the leader is regarded as a mediator or as an advocate between the two communions of the society – the living and the spiritual beings. He does this by presenting the problems and entreaties of the entire community to the gods and ancestors, and then brings home their message and blessings to the community during the ritual of kolanut. KOLANUT AS A RITUAL AGENT According to Ekwunife, in the ritual sphere, the cola acuminata is a dominant symbolic element for all kinds of consecration and sacrifices, except perhaps the sacrifice for warding off wicked spirits (Igba-aja). Its unique symbolism as a ritual agent could only be likened to what the Eucharist, especially Holy Communion, is to Roman Catholics, the Bible to the Evangelists, and Holy Koran to the Muslims.9 thus, for the Igbo, according to this feature, expresses, communicates and unifies Igbo ideas of friendship, acceptance, approval, achievement, productivity and wealth, joy and sorrow, fullness of life and the perpetual presence of the spirits and ancestors among us. For a comprehensive discussion of the Igbo kolanut, this presentation shall also consider the following sub-topics: MINISTRATION OF KOLANUT The etymology of the kolanut can be said to have both a divine and human institution. As a result of that, the humans use it in communicating with the gods and the spirit world. Here, the ministration of kolanut and the critique of the ministrations in Igbo society will be discussed in order to provide a credible grounding to the ministration of kolanut in Igbo traditional society. FEATURES OF KOLANUT It is necessary at this point to examine the essential features of Igbo kolanut (cola-acuminata) with a view to highlighting its inner values at the same time identifying the unchanging principles that form the basis of Igbo kolanut as the custom that unites the Igbo people. The kolanut content is not conceptualized ordinarily by the Igbo man, but much in philosophical dimension as the totality of the Igbo culture with psychological providence for him. This is deduced from the Igbo intelligence, which places him higher than any other organism. One of the peculiarities of Oji Igbo (cola-acuminata) both naturally and culturally, is that it has several lobes, ranging from two to seven and occasionally more. The lobes are classified into male and female. These formations symbolize the Igbo dual experience of man. Their union is periodically reenacted by marriage contracts through the agency and blessing of the invisible beings, especially the ancestors. Furthermore, kolanut with three lobes is regarded as Oji Okike in many Igbo communities. Among the Igbo, “Okike” is a creative deity. Because of this, a kolanut, which has three lobes, is regarded as a symbol of fecundity. In addition, a piece of kolanut with three lobes is said to represent the tripod stand, the hearthstone, on which traditional cooking takes place. Going further, some areas of Igbo land regard a piece of kolanut, which has three lobes as Oji Ikenga. Ikenga, in most Igbo communities, is the symbol of achievement, for men who have distinguished themselves by noble deeds. The kolanut, which has four lobes, is regarded as the conventional kola, indicating the agreement and presence of the Igbo native days. The lobes therefore, represent the four market days in every part of Igbo native days. The lobes also represent the four market days in every part of Igboland. In other words, it could be said that a four-cotyledon kolanut is an indication of acceptance by the gods. This is because there are four market days, and each day belongs to a deity, such that the four lobes of kolanut can be said to go round the four deities of the area, that is: Eke, Orie, Afor, and Nkwo. A four-lobed kolanut therefore, is usually desired during important occasions, and for sacrificial purposes. A kolanut, which has five lobes, is a portend of good luck, especially for the person whose function it is to break and, or distribute the kola. It is a symbol of productivity and wealth for the survival of Igbo community in its minimal and maximal levels. In many Igbo communities, a case where a kolanut piece has five lobes, allows the distributor an additional share. Indeed, he has to put away the fifth lobe, usually the lobe with four sides onto which the other four lobes lap. It is also a symbol of the power of the ‘many’ emphasizing, as it is , the importance of numbers, for as the Igbo say Igwe bu ike (unity is strength). If a kolanut piece that has five lobes brings good luck to the person who shares it, one would have naturally expected that one with six lobes would bring more luck both to the one who shares and the people who partake in the kola. However, happens not to be the case. There is no ascertained significance attached to a kolanut piece, which has six lobes, except that in some Igbo communities, the sixth lobe is thrown away, instead of being eaten. The argumentative epicentre here is that the sixth lobe belongs to the spirits. Unfortunately, the number six, is always associated with bad omen among the Igbo. Six, symbolizes bad luck, just as thirteen, as a number, does to the English. So, the numbers three, four, five and seven have great symbolic significance among the Igbo. Generally, a kolanut, which has seven or eight lobes, is regarded very highly among the Igbo people. In some Igbo societies, when a person on whom the privilege falls to break a piece of kolanut discovers that it has seven lobes, the person is required to tie the lobes together, and arrange for a replacement to take the kolanut to the eldest man in his village who would then arrange for the breaking of the kolanut. Usually, the breaking of this type of kolanut calls for celebration. On the whole, a piece of kolanut with seven or eight lobes is regarded as the ultimate, and signifies perfection. Before ever it is eaten, the eldest man in the village would have to offer some sacrifice to the village deity, in that it symbolizes prosperity and good omen. TO THE WOMAN GROUP When visitors are femalefolks, the presentation of kolanut takes a different dimension from the formal outlook to informality. In Igbo traditional society, women are not given the honour of presentation as done to men, that is the showing and relay method. What the host does is to present the kolanut to them indirectly by saying ‘Unu mara n’ anaghi egosi nwanyi Oji tupu awa ya’ (you are aware that it is not our tradition to show kolanut to women before breaking it). Before this time, he must have touched the kolanut with his lips or tongue before them. He then blesses and breaks it himself and shares it to them. Nonetheless, it is to the women leader or the most senior among them that the kolanut saucer would be handed over, because in the absence of a man, she would been the one to bless and break the kolanut, while some other subordinates would do the service of sharing in order of sitting arrangement. TO THE KINSMEN (UMUNNA) Here, it is in the gathering of a village group or clan that one would grasp the notion of the Igbo political stratification. A sort of people that live to maintain and recognize traditional authority, following their cultural tenets and normative rules. About the prevention, Uchendu writes: “Kolanut is presented by the host. He makes this presentation through a chain of differentiated lineage segments, the relay messengers who represent these segments following them in genealogical order.” What Uchendu states here has just summarized the method of presentation to Umunna. Nevertheless, the words “relay messenger” is not descriptive of the people that are involved in relaying the kolanut from one segment to another, it is assumed to be a functional expression, which if not properly applied, would be derogatory to the subject. It could be argued that Uchendu did not consider this factor at the time of writing. BLESSING OF KOLANUT (IGO OJI) The blessing of kolanut (Igo Oji) is the right of the eldest man in any gathering, or it may be that of the Eze (king) as the case may be. However, the eldest person is preferred in most cases because he is the custodian of truth and closer to the ancestor. In the evolutionary trend of the tradition, an ordained minister, consecrated to God, now takes precedence in the blessing of the kola, but the eldest person or the Eze, who naturally has this right, would have to transfer it to the minister of God as a privilege, not as a right. The type of prayer that is said over kolanut before ever it is broken depends very much on the occasion. Kolanut for Ndichie (the Elders) attracts a different form of prayers. For casual visitors a different kind of prayer is offered. In that prayer one could ask God, the gods and spirits for good health, for protection against evil and for good harvest. With kolanut one prays, and placates the gods and men. At the end of the prayer, the people around would make an affirmative reply in loud tone saying ‘ise’ or ‘iha’, meaning ‘Amen’. At the end of this incantation, everyone around would greet the person who says the prayer. RIGHT OF BREAKING THE KOLANUT The breaking of kolanut is another consideration that brings out the kola symbolism. The issue at stake is the question of the rightful person to break it. Is it the youngest or the eldest in any given gathering? There are two major traditions: in the south of Igboland, the youngest in any group breaks the kola, while the Northern and Northeast parts of Igboland maintain that the eldest person breaks the kola. In both cases, the breaking of kola helps in the tracing of seniority. The tradition, which adopts the breaking of kolanut by the youngest male, says that a young man is preferred because he is presumed to be pure and his hands are not polluted with blood shed in battle. This tradition has a loop-hole because at times there are gatherings where no one is really young or where the youngest in the group is also elderly and may have fought several wars. This tradition, one may guess, is nurtured by the philosophy of Igbo ethical puritanism. The tradition which adopted the breaking of kolanut by old men is preferred by some people because the eldest man holds the Ofo, and represents the authority of the ancestors. One of the strongest reasons for religious activities like blessing of kolanut by the eldest is that, in Igbo traditional society, the first born or eldest man in a family or Umunna ipso facto assumes some priestly functions. It is more by reason of his priesthood and not necessarily because of his age that the eldest man is preferred, and this is why today, the eldest man gives an ordained minister the kolanut to bless as a privilege. GENERAL EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION The kolanut culture permeates into every aspect of Igbo life, far into the minimal stratum of the family, the kinship group, and the village. It also recognises the consanguineal relationship in Igbo culture. In view of the contributions of kolanut in Igboland, it is plausible to hold, under its etymology, that it is the custom that unites the Igbo – Omenala jikotara Igbo – and that gives and sustains the very life they live. From this, it follows that it is from the religious root of kolanut that the sociological factor emanates. The role played by kolanut in forming the basis of sociological, economic, political and religio-cultural life of Igbo people include: worship and veneration, the ceremonial ritual of presentation, festivities, and various kinds of sacrifices to the gods. The privilege attached to kolanut is due to its unique symbolism, which includes: life-affirming principle, symbol of continuity, symbol of power and leadership, and as a ritual agent. However, the gift of life brings with it the responsibility of perpetuating life itself, so that one’s house is not overgrown by bush after one’s death. To perpetuate life brings with it the need to perpetuate also the social order to which one belongs. In this way, the perpetuation of life acts as a bridge in the cyclic rhythm of life, from birth through death to reincarnation. The sacredness of the kolanut begins from when it is in the bush, to when it is harvested and brought home. While in the bush, a woman who is undergoing her menstrual cycle must not touch it. All females are forbidden from climbing the kolanut tree or plucking the nut by any means. The women are regarded as being unclean and less significant in the society and as a result do not offer rituals in Igbo tradition. The cultural significance of the cola acuminata in sum is its embodiment of material and immaterial conceptions. Concluding, one would opine that anyone who is alive and allows the right and power which one has to be denied one is as good as a dead person. Similarly, one who is denied the performance of the function which one’s ancestors rightly performed is being cut off from one’s ancestors. The kolanut is therefore, a symbol that perpetuates power in a traditional position. All these realities are summed up in this reflective utterance of an Igbo to whom a kolanut is presented: Onye wetara Oji wetara Ndu (He who brings kolanut, brings Life). Over and above all, in any gathering where kolanut is broken and five lobes emerge from it, the elders regard it as being symbolic. Five or Ise is a definite symbolic number in the Igbo language and culture. A human being has five fingers and five toes. A kolanut with five lobes means good luck to the server. It also refers to stability. Thus, Ise reflects five axiomatic values, of which the being of every Igbo rests: Life, Children, Wealth, Peace and Love (Ekwunife, 1990). REFERENCES 1). Ukaegbu, John O.: Igbo Identity and Personality, Enugu: Snaap Press Ltd. (1991), p. 42. 2). Okafor, F. U.: Igbo Philosophy and Law, Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers (1992), p. 62. 3). Isichei, Elizabeth: Igbo Worlds, London: Macmillan Education Ltd. (1977), p. 115. 4). Uchendu, Victor C.: The Igbo of South-East Nigeria, New York: Reinhart and Winston (1967) p. 74. 5). Ashiegbu, Victor: The Broken Chain, Owerri: Oscar Graphics (2001), p. 21. 6). Ibid. p. 22. 7). Isechei, Elizabeth: The Igbo Worlds, London: Macmillan Education Ltd. (1977), p. 115. 8). Nze, Chukwuemeka B.: Oji Igbo, Enugu: Ministry of Education and Information, Cultural Division (1976), p. 2. 9). 9). Ekwunife, Anthony: Consecration in Igbo Traditional Religion, Enugu: Jet Publishers Ltd. (1990), p. 109. PRESENTATION: OMU – THE TENDER PALM LEAVES INTRODUCTION The importance of this topic is double-barrelled. Apart from its intellectual significance, it is of immense value to all and sundry that are ignorance of Igbo cultures embedded in this topic. Hence the knowledge of this topic as going to be exposed in this paper is not only imperative but a sine qua non to all student of “Nigeria Peoples and Culture” and all beggars in the door of wisdom. Suffice it to state that it is not then an accident, that our able lecturer, a man of great intellectual substance chose this topic as one of the topics dealing with Igbo cultures to be discussed in this philosophical, cultural cum intellectual gathering. Without much ado, like any act of philosophical gymnastic, the paper begins with definition. WHO ARE THE IGBO PEOPLE? The Igbo nation is located in the area between Benin and Igala, the Cross River and Niger Delta city state.The Igbo nation is divided into five main major cultural groups namely: the western or revering areas; the northern or Awka, the Owerri, the Cross River and the Ogoja Igbo. They do not posses a central government or act together politically as native people. In spite of the cultural differences between these groups, there are certain cultural characteristics that are typical to Igbo society. ORIIGIN OF THE IGBO PEOPLE a] NRI MYTH Among the Igbo people of South-eastern Nigeria, there exists the Nri myth which narrates that a certain superhuman being, Eri, and his wife were sent down from the sky by Chukwu, God almighty. All the important things happened at Aguleri where the Umunri clan started.When Eri came down from the sky, he has to stand on termite mound, because all the earth was then marshy. Eri complained to Chukwu who sent a metal worker, Awka, with bellows, charcoal and fire to dry up the land. While Eri was alife and the priests were on duty, he and his dependants were fed by Chukwu. When Eri died, this food supplied ceased. Then Nri, Eri’s son, complained to Chukwu that there was no food. According to one version, Nri introduced the system of ranking titles. He became the first eze Nri or divine king while other individuals took and continued to take the title of eze ozo after him and in memory of him. b] ISREAL MYTH. The other legend has it that the Igbo people originated from Israel, hence the apparent Similarity in Igbo and Jewish cultures. Similarly, it has been argued that most Igbo name derived their root from the Greek words. For instance the word “Genesis” meaning ‘beginning’ is held by Igbo etymologist to be the same with Igbo words “ Jee na isi isi”( go to the beginning). Examples of this kind bound. WHAT IS OMU? The omu nkwu is the tender leaves of the palm tree. Botanically “nkwu” is named Elaeis guineensis. The omu nkwu is one of the most widely used symbol in Igbo land. At this juncture, it is pertinent to throw light on the meaning of “symbol”. The Chambers dictionary defines symbol as “an emblem; a sign used to represent something: that which by custom or convention represents something else; a type; a creed, compendium of doctrine, or a typical religious rite, such as Eucharist: an object or act representing an unconscious or repressed conflict”. The philosophic interpretation of a symbol could mean an object or action, which has a deeper connotation more than its face value. It is therefore against this background that the paper discuses “OMU”. It is then obvious that a symbol is different from a sign on this regard. A symbol participate in the power and meaning of what it symbolises, but a sign does not. The symbolisation of omu is therefore highly multi referential. It should be noted that the sacredness of any object does not make it a religious symbol, but the symbolism comes out from the functionality. Omu happens to play a middle- role in the unification of the religious and the profane in Igboland in so far it is both a social and religious symbol on account of its multivalent character.From the different symbolization of omu, we discover that it is more of social than religious as manifested by the following examples. The omu is a symbol of war, honour, peace, warning, joy, litigation in native court, holiness and other auxiliary functions. AS ASYMBOL OF WARNING. As a symbol of warning, omu is placed across a path where traps are set in the bush; priests or dibias hold omu between their lips during ceremonies when they are carrying out a sacred function so that no one may talk to them on the way. It may be tied across the door of a sick person under seclusion. It always accompanies a corpse as a warning to all and sundry and also to honour the dead. For these reasons and more, vehicles that carry corpse always fix omu in front and back. The omu deters people from encroaching on farm lands to be farmed. The placing of omu on any object indicates that the spirits and the living look over the object and the dead are forbidden to touch it. Omu mounted close to a kola nut tree or planted in a farm or garden is expected to deter people from using the garden as a lavatory or dumping ground. When a big tree is being felled, omu is put at a safe distance so that people are cautioned of the danger ahead. AS A SYMBOL OF ARBITRATION AND LITIGATON. Omu serves for juridical purpose. The object the omu is placed upon, it can be a farm land or an economic tree, and it should not be touched by any of the parties that is at loggerhead about the ownership until settlement is made. Officially omu can be used in litigation when it is presented to the Umunna or any social group with an accompanying complaint against someone or group of people. The process or action is called “itu mmadu omu”. As a symbol of war. Omu can be sent to any group of people or town. This means that if settlement is not reached immediately, war is declared. Also while fighting during war, omu is hung around the neck as a symbol of war. However omu could be raised to show surrender by the party holding it. Therefore omu can be under two opposite guises – it could be for war or for peace. It could be linked to when a towel is thrown into the wring during boxing competition which indicates surrender, or a soldier in the battle field who raises his rifle to indicate surrender. During wars one can walk freely provided that the person is holding omu. Related to war situation omu could be used during demonstration. AS A SYMBOL OF HONOUR. Omu is also a symbol of honour. It is used to honour both the living and the dead. This is epitomised in the Nsukka culture where omu is used to tie around the grave of a dead person. For the living any special guest in Igboland is received by placing palm Fronds on both sides of the road through which the visitor passes. This syncronises with Judio – Christian culture. The use of omu during the triumphant entry of Jesus into Jerusalem shows that the Jews also use omu to honour great people. The use of omu during Palm Sunday also expresses this aspect of omu’s signification. AS A SYMBOL OF JOY. Omu is also used to symbolise joy. This is epitomised in traditional dancing and wrestling. Omu is usually put into the mouth to indicate celebration. When a woman is put to bed, omu is also used to tie around the home of the woman to indicate that a thing of joy has happened in that home. AS ASYMBOL OF SACEDNESS. Omu is also used to indicate sacredness. Hence it is used in performing rituals. It is tied normally around the shrines in Igboland which indicates sacredness. This explains the choice of omu ashes, during Ash Wednesday. Apart from these socio-religiuos significations of omu, it performs some economic function. It is used by women to tie their food article like “ogiri”. Wine tappers also use it to place on top of the wine jar to prevent the wine from overflowing. Omu could also be used in the Igbo language symbolically, for instance among the Igbo people when they state that “ Akwu achaala na omu” it means that something terrible or an abomination has happened. Similarly for the Igbo people the word “ Okpu omu na onu”symbolises that the individual is undergoing a kind of rite. For instance, someone who killed a lion will hold omu in his mouth for eight days. This is to show the greatness of the act he has performed. CONCLUSION With the above resume, it is evident that omu indeed serves multi- social, religious and economic functions. Therefore all those who belong to the intellectual common wealth will find this paper enriching and educative as far as Igbo culture is concerned.Omu is therefore very significant among the Igbo people. CONCEPT OF MBARI IN IGBO TRADITIONAL CULTURE INTRODUCTION The of this presentation is to highlight among other core cultural Igbo heritages the concept of Mbari. Before we attempt the philosophical survey of the concept Mbari, let us attempt a philosophical definition the words Mbari and symbolism. From the epistemological perspective of the term Mbari, it indicates two Igbo words –“Mba” and “ari”. The former meaning “place” and the latter meaning “to be” Connotatively, the term Mbari has been given many interpretations by various Igbo groups, such as; a beautifully executed work of art, a process of spiritual renewal, an offering to the gods, and a social occasion that unites villagers to feasting and celebration.While symbolism means to represent something abstract with a concrete thing. This exactly is the fundamental function of Mbari. HISTORICAL ORIGIN OF MBARI The custom known as Mbari is locally practiced by only a cluster of Owerri-Igbo village in the South Eastern Nigeria. Dr. Chukwueggu S.A.O., the of the Mbari Cultural Art Centre, Eke Ngwuru Mbaise, traced the origin of Mbari to the old Owerri towns and villages of Enyiogwugwu, Lagwa, Eke Ngwuru Logara, Ngor, Umuohiagu, Obirangwu and Imerriewe. He associated Mbari with beauty, designs, museum, decorative and joint sacrifice. SYMBOLISM This is the use of symbols to convey meanings. Symbols may be anything; object, words, colours or patterns. Their defining character is that they stand for something other than their intrinsic property. For instance, while there is nothing intrinsically dangerous about the colour the red, it has become a symbol for danger in a number of societies. Symbol can also be the use of objects to represent an abstract or a written or a printed word or a crafted sign or character that represent something within a context. THE MBARI SYMBOLISM Mbari as Igbo plastic mythology and as “satire of the wrongs in the society”, is represented with symbols of all the phenomena which it expresses or communicates to the people. There are three Mbari symbols represented by three colours; red symbolizes danger, blood or problem; green symbolizes appeasement and white symbolizes peace and prosperity. Red colour is used where there are troubles and ill fortunes in the form of premature death, sickness and so on, in the village or town. Green colour, when used on the walls means an agreement between the affected village and the gods (for instance; Agbara). It is normally the earth goddess- Ala. White indicates that troubles have ended and that there is peace in the land. Hence, the insertions of these white colours (plates or discs) on the walls provoke joy and celebrations, and this is manifested by firing of native cannons (mkpuru ala). The Mbari symbol is a symbol par excellence, for it brings out the idea of symbolism vividly. What the people celebrate is the symbolization of Mbari, and not the symbol of Mbari. The neighbouring towns and villages, friends from far and near, join the members of the village or town, to celebrate the end of misfortune. They now hope in future blessings and prosperity. This confirms the conventionality and arbitrary nature of symbol. Other symbols that appear in the Mbari center are: Ofæ, Ogu, Onuzo, Igbuduezi, mbataku, elephant, tiger, snake, tortoise, and the like. Each animal exhibited in the Mbari house has a message to convey to the public. The colourful decoration of Mbari especially the beauty and majesty which the earth goddess evokes,-Ala image, serves as one of the best artistic treasures of our time. The Mbari celebration reminds one of the adage - “a thing of beauty is a joy forever.” The Mbari symbol and its celebration are therefore the bringing into being the concept – beauty. The prodigious size and symbolic complexity of Mbari draws the attention of everyone in the locality about the past events of the society. Whatever their historical origin, however, Mbari stands as glorious monument to the artistic creativity and spiritual heritage of the traditional Igbo people. CONSTRUCTION OF MBARI In past years, a community would decide to build a Mbari house when they felt that they were in disfavour with the gods or to celebrate when the gods had treated them well. The house would thus be a sacrifice whose creation would result in good whether or good harvest. The choice of the site for the construction of Mbari rests on elders and the chief priest. After a site has been chosen, the traditional medicine man (Dibia) of the locality is invited. Together with the chief priest and the elders, the Dibia move round the community, starting from the chief priest’s house, selecting men and women of different ages, at least one from each compound. Anybody selected cannot refuse, for refusal would incur the wrath of the gods, ancestral spirits and Agbara. The number of the people selected to build Mbari is usually between twenty to forty people. One Mbari may be completely between eighteen to twenty-four months. After construction, sculptures are usually lined up in the Mbari house. The sculptures which would include various statues of deities, ancestor spirits, animals from myth and legend and many others are traditionally made of mud clay from crushed-up anthills. This material (the crushed-up anthills) doesn’t crack and for this reason it is preferable to the modern clays. RITUALIZATION OF MBARI A completed Mbari museum is only a mud sculpture. It has to be transformed into a sacred object by consecrating it. The consecration ceremony is organized by the chief priest of the god that owns the Mbari and the elders of the community where it is built. A consecrated Mbari therefore is at once a sacred and ritual museum. The items for the consecration ceremony vary according to communities, but in general there are basic requirements such as ; kola-nut, alligator pepper, tubers of yam, cocks, goats, gin, et ce tera . During the consecration, most members of the community and their neighbours are usually in attendance. SIGNIFICANCE OF MBARI A community may decide to build a Mbari house full of earthen figures for a specific reason. During a time of hardship or crisis, for instance, when community is threatened by war, drought, famine, disease, or some other natural disaster, Villagers believe their difficulties are signs that indicate to them that the gods feel neglected hence are offended. The community seeks to appease and influence the gods by making an offering. To this effect, they build a special house dedicated to the principal deity of the land. By this means, they hope to turn the tide, restore balance, and avert further evils. Therefore, Mbari in this way is a supplication for peace and prosperity. Mbari may also be built as payment, to thank the gods when a petition has been answered, or as a prayer for the bestowal of further benefits. In this case, Mbari is a gift from the people, a “thing of pride” created at great expense in terms of finance, time and labour. Upon completion of Mbari, the gods have been paid and in return, must compensate the Villagers with healthier and more numerous children, better crops, an increase in personal wealth and individual status, and other such favours. EVALUATION From all that have been exposed, Mbari stands out to be a traditional grotto of sculptured deities and others, but today it seems to have gone almost into extinction despites all its values and significances. This Mbari’s extinction is as a result of some factors such as; religion; today people now look upon Mbari as something fetish and deceptive due to their religious beliefs which dictates to them that it is better to pray and appease the Almighty God (Chukwu) directly than through sculptured images. Also, education has made men view Mbari practice as something illiterate-oriented. Hence, it is no longer valued, especially by the learned people living in the villages. Modernity is another great factor that has contributed to the extinction of Mbari. Technology and scientific developments have today influenced villagers such that they now busy themselves by watching television, listening to radio, reading of newspaper, telecommunicating and many others. Due to all these, nobody creates sufficient time to think about the Mbari practice, no wonder why the still existing ones (Mbari houses) have all dilapidated. Thanks to modern influence. All these notwithstanding, Mbari still stands out as one of the fundamental Igbo cultural heritages that truly portrays the spiritual dimension of the Igbo clan. Through Mbari, some of the historical facts of the Igbo clan are laid bare. As regards artistry, Mbari portrays the artistic ingenuity of the ancient Igbo sculptors. It reminds the present day scholars of the ancient veneration of gods and deities among the Igbo group. Further, our knowledge of Mbari-ancient-practices, helps to widen our intellectual horizons as regards the Nigerian People and Culture course. Religiously, it aids in creating the presence and awareness of the gods among the Igbo people. Finally, today Mbari boosts tourism and provide employments for sculptors in Igbo land where it is still practiced. CONCLUSION In this work, this group has attempted to depict THE IGBO AND MBARI (SYMBOLISM). The origin of Mbari was presented, its meaning was exposed, an outline of its significances among the Igbo clan was relayed, and this was followed by an evaluation. As a way of conclusion, Mbari therefore is the traditional method of making the spiritual dimension of ancient Igbo culture evergreen for it helps to transmit the traditional worship practice from one generation to another. BIBLIOGRAPHY Nwala, U. T., Igbo Philosophy, (Lagos: Lantern Books, Ikeja, )1985 Longman Active Study Dictionary, (England: Pearson Education Limited, Edinburgh Gate) 1998 Arinze, Francis, Sacrifice in Igbo Religion: (Ibadan University Press) 1970 NAMES IN TIV TRADITIONAL CULTURE INTRODUCTION Before we begin our discussion on names and naming in Tiv traditional society, it is important to give a brief historical background of the people in question. Tiv historical narrative comprises both written documents and oral tradition of history, legends and myths. However, to a large extent, oral tradition has a dominant place over written documents in this historical narrative. The reason for this is that the Tiv people who had no art of writing depended for a long time on oral tradition in passing on the rich and inspirational stories surrounding their culture, customs, traditions and values which kept them together as a people. Written documents had no place in the passing on of values among the Tiv people until the people came in contact with western civilization in 1854 through the British colonial expeditions. Following this contact with the western influence, the Dutch Reformed Church Missionaries were to come to Tivland later in 1911 from South Africa and it was they who first produced the written historical narrative of the Tiv people. Furthermore, the Tiv myth of origin has it that the Tiv people descended from a common ancestry known as Tiv. However, the story of his ancestry has so many strands such that in retelling it, one cannot but follow one of them or else one’s attempt to do so would be rendered futile. Tesemchi Makar (1994) is aware of this difficulty to weave a single ancestral narrative story of the man called Tiv, the progenitor of the Tiv people. In the course of his research work in the different sections of the Tiv people and as he moved from one section to another, names of three personalities were mentioned to him who were said to be the father of Tiv but about whom information were scanty and confusing. That notwithstanding, one of the numerous myths and legends about the origin of the Tiv people is that of the Anyamazenga tradition which holds that Anyamazenga got married to an unnamed woman. Through that relationship, he begot Takuruku who in turn married Ayaaya. The marriage was blessed with four children: Gbe, who broke away from the rest of the family and went to an unknown place, Anadendem (a girl) later died in her primes before marriage. Consequently, Tiv was left with only two surviving sons: Ipusu and Ichongu. These later got married and gave birth to all the Tiv people we have today. In spite of all these, we can be sure, Makar maintains, of the man Tiv himself about whom opinion is settled that he was a hero who left his brothers and moved with his family to settle at Swem. However, the location of the place (Swem) has attracted as much debates as the question of Tiv ancestry. The term Tiv carries triple meaning. It is used to refer to the people as an ethnic group, to their language and to the man Tiv whom all the Tiv people believe to be their common ancestor. Based on the analysis of Sai as quoted by Atel (2004), “when Tiv died, his children were called after him. For a time they were known as Tiv’s children but this term was afterwards dropped as it did not sound well and the whole tribe came to be included under the name Tiv”. Names in Tiv society are not mere labels but have a socio-religious significance and as such are much deeper in meaning than one can imagine. There is a general belief in Tiv culture that the name a person bears influences his life. Consequently, people are very careful about the kind of names they give to their children. There are a good number of names that are found in Tiv worldview and which parents give to their children at birth. Such names are given based on the experiences of the parents at the time a child is born or what experiences they have already gone through in life. Such names express joy or sadness over an event as the case may be. Names are first of all given as a mark of identity. They connote what is beyond merely identifying a person. HOW NAMES ARE GIVEN IN TIV. There is no formal naming ceremony in Tiv culture as it is in other cultures. However the eldest member of the family holds the prerogative of giving names to children when they are born. A newborn baby in Tiv society is given a name between the date of birth and circumcision. This is normally within eight days. Names as stated earlier are not mere labels but have a meaning, which conveys message. Elders hold the right to give names because of their accumulated wealth of experience stemming from their long years of living and also because of their position as heads of families. The names can he classified under the following sub-headings: NAMES THAT DEPICT BELIEF IN THE CONCEPT OF ETERNITY. The desire to keep a bond between the living and the dead is common to almost all African cultures. This quest for inseparable union provides the basis for some of the names given to Tiv children at birth. For instance, names like Terkimbi(father has paid back), Terhile(father has come back), Ngohile(mother has come back) and names of grand parents given to children depict this fact. This is to show that although the person is physically absent, he still lives. This belief is expressed in the saying that “or ov a ov” meaning the person has only metamorphosed. This should not be mistaken for reincarnation because the Tiv people do not in reincarnation. THOSE THAT PORTRAY THE SUPREMACY OF GOD AND THE COMMUNITY (COUNCIL OF ELDERS). The Tiv people believe in a supernatural being called “Aondo” who controls all events and situations. Man being a creature of this being owes allegiance to him. This allegiance is expressed through the offering of sacrifices and the nature of names people bear. The latter is of more concern here. In this way, names such as Aondohemba(God is great), Terhemba(father is great) and Ushahemba(the Being above is great) are used to express this supremacy, which intrinsically encapsulate our helplessness and total dependence on him especially in times of trial and tribulation. Apart from that, the council of elders (Tyo) is the supreme council in Tivland. It is made up of elders who are not only custodians of the people’s culture but also have power over life and death. The elders are not regarded as gods but they are believed to have supernatural powers to cause any event to happen. Any decision taken by this council is regarded as the decision of the entire community. They can bestow a newborn child with mystical powers and can even cause death to occur. This belief is expressed in some names like Tyovenda(the community has refused), Tyowua(the community has killed), Tyoyila(the community has called), Tyover(the community has has blessed), Tyokase(the community has surrounded), and others. NAMES THAT RECORD IMPORTANT EVENTS IN HISTORY. Examples of this include “Orkuza” which depicts the era of slavery when people were maltreated by the colonial masters. They were subjected to hard labour. Another example is “Buter” which shows the over lordship of the white man on the African during the reign of colonialism in Africa. NAMES THAT EMBODY THE TIV WORLDVIEW OR COSMOLOGY. Names within this category include the following: Taryuha(the world is heavy) – This name is given based on someone’s unpleasant experiences in life in the world in which he lives and the people around him. It can also be expressed as Tartavegh(the world is difficult). Targerma(the world has changed) – This is a belief that the world is in a process of change. It has never been static since creation. It also shows that situations in life are not permanent but they keep changing. Things and situations evolve in the course of history. Tarvihi(the world has spoilt) – This is a belief that the world was once good and friendly but the wicked actions of people have adversely affected it. The name connotes negativity and as such is given to a child only when something bad has happened to the family. NAMES THAT EXPRESS SOCIAL RELATION. Man as we know is a social being and live an organized life in a community. He is a being – with. Since man is a being-with his actions have to be interpreted on the moral ground, that is, on the basis of right and wrong. Here, the Tiv people have names that express this human relation. Names like Agbiandoo(brother or sister is good) and Angbianbee(no brother or sister again) are good examples of names which depict the example of having family relations. On the other side, we have names like Shiishango(only maternal brotherhood). This and others express how people relate to one another in the Tiv society. Brotherhood or sisterhood in Tiv does not mean only blood relations. Anybody within the same community was adjudged brother or sister. However, with the incorporation of the idea of nuclear family system in Tiv and the consequences emanating from the nuclear family consciousness, these names emanated to awaken the people’s consciousness of the fact of Tiv communal living. NAMES THAT EXPRESS INEVITABILITY OF DEATH. Death is a phenomenon in human society that brings about sadness when it strikes. Since it is inevitable, the Tiv people give certain names to children to express this inevitability. The names which express the reality of death have a strong connection with the Tiv traditional religion. The most important name that expresses this inevitability is Ortserga(one does not live forever). Others include Kuhemba(death has triumphed), Kuwua(death has killed), kukighir(death has ended) and Kutoo(death has taken). NAMES THAT PORTRAY THE HELPLESSNESS OF MAN. Names within this category are used when people are visited by one tragedy or the other and consequently over taken by such ugly circumstance. In most cases, efforts geared towards the prevention of such unhealthy experience tend to be futile and as such, people resolve to giving such names to console themselves. Examples include Kwaghhemba(something has triumphed), Kwaghtser(something has surrounded), Kwagher(something has happened), Kwaghtaver(something is difficult) and a host of others. NAMES THAT EXPRESS THANKSGIVING TO GOD. Life in general is made up of good and bad moments. As such, when someone experiences the good side of life, he/she attributes this to the God in whom he/she believes. This reality is not strange to the Tiv people as’ it is with others. Consequently, names in this category are used mostly by professed Christians. Based on this, names like Msughter, Sesugh, Sewuese are given to children to express joy, happiness and gratitude to God for being so kind towards them. CONCLUSION From the foregoing, it is obvious that names in Tiv as earlier opined are not mere labels. We are also to note that there are names that point to ancestors and events of ancient past and others that point to the recent past as well. No name is given without a task t accomplish. All names have their respective goals. CULTURAL IDENTITY OF THE IDOMA CULTURAL GROUP INTRODUCTION Idoma is said to be etymologically derived from an assumed putative ancestor ‘Idu’ or ‘Idom’, that is, Idu-ma or Ido-ma meaning beget of or offspring of ‘Idu’ or ‘Idom.’ This was contracted into Idoma. The Idoma word for “Oche” is synonymous to the English word for ‘Chief.’ The concept of Oche has evolved as a father figure within the “Ogila” with both spiritual and secular authority, using the councilor and gerontocratic principles This term paper also sheds light on the concept of Tribal Mark among the Idoma people; and a conclusive explanation is given with regards to the significance of the famous colours: Red, Black and Gold. These among others form the heart of this presentation. BRIEF ORIGIN OF THE IDOMA PEOPLE. Many scholars have varying views concerning the origin of the Idoma people. For instance P.E. Okoli trace Idoma migration route back to the Sahara desert. They were compelled to vacate the Sahara due to the desiccation of the Sahara cum acute drought, which made the place inhabitable for human life.1 From linguistic perspective, R.G Armstrong expresses his views using glottochronological and lexico-statistic data. He maintains that Idoma, Igala and Yoruba formed a proto complex sometimes with the Niger-Benue region 6,000 years ago. This complex broke up 4,000 years ago with the Idoma, Igala and Yoruba emerging as distinct groups. Moreover, such proto society had the same conception of time, worshipped a host of local gods as well as observed similar language, which they today speak it’s dialects.2 However, the next perspective of the origin of the Idoma people is the oral traditions, which claim unitary origin for the entire Idoma people. This view maintains that ‘Idu’ or ‘Idom’ was the progenitor or putative Biological father of the entire Idoma people. Evidence from Idoma history shows that ‘Idu’ was one of the putative migratory leaders of the Adoka, Ugboju and Otukpo group during their migratory period from their Apa settlement before 1600. These groups were the earliest migrants to arrive from the east. They also had the most distinguished and sophisticated kingdoms in pre-colonial Idoma land.3 It became clear that the name of their putative migratory leader ’Idu’ should be adopted as founding father of the entire Idoma ethnic group. From the foregoing, it is observed that the several perspectives that existed about the traditions of origin of the Idoma people, though some of them found wanting, succeed in complimenting the fact that, the core of Idoma homeland is located within the Niger-Benue valley. Oral tradition also observe that the present Idoma land is populated by migrant from Apa in Kwararafa on the Eastern front and from modern Igala land (Idah, Ankpa Apaji areas) while some groups even trace their route of migration to modern Igbo land. All these are clear signpost to the heterogeneous nature of the Idoma Ethnicity which scholars term to be modern phenomenon. GOEGRAPHICAL AND RELIGIUIOS ORGANIZATION The Idoma people are found in the present Benue state on an area of land located within the broad valley of the Benue and the cross-river basin.4 Idoma land geographically lies within the transitional belt, which makes it combine element of the savannah with that of the forest region. Their abode is flanked by the Tiv to the East, Igala to the west, the Alago and Igbira to the North and the Igbo to the South.5 This territory lies within the latitude of 600 and 300 North and longitude 800 East. Idoma land covers a total area of approximately 5,955 squares kilometers.6 According to the population census figure available, the Idoma are said to have numbered over 250,000 in 1952 census estimate,7 about a million people in the 1963 national census8, and over one million in 1999 National population census.9 Scholars however, point out that the present Idoma land was populated by peoples who migrated in, from various corridors using different routes, thus according for the heterogeneous nature of Idoma ethnicity which is said to be a recent phenomenon. Moreover, all Idoma groups have forms of the same word for an impersonal god, “Owo” or Owoicho “god above.” The cult of Owo is always a personal and never a group affair. Owo is symbolized by a white silk-cotton tree in Otukpo and by a specie of fig tree on other district. Such a tree is personal and planted for the individual. The word “Owo” is always the word for rain, but the Idoma insist that there is no connection between the two concepts Each district called a land has a land-shrine (Ikpa’aje) where sacrifices are made to “aje”. The Idoma explicitly deny that either “Owo” or “aje” are person, but in respond to direct or leading question they will say that the sky is male and the earth is female. However, most of the ritual of ‘Alekwu’ (ancestral spirit) is rigidly kept secret from women. There is a ceremony whereby women who have learned what they should not know and see what they should not see may be purged and rendered fit to bear children. SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AMONG THE IDOMA Idoma land is located within the fertile broad land of the lower Benue valley, which also had a providential endowment of moderate rainfall. The land is climatically located within the translational belt. These make them produce crops found both in the savanna and the forest regions in Nigeria. It is also a melting pot of cultures and economic activities like trade, both from the North and the Southern Nigeria. Hence agriculture was and still the most important of the economic activity of the Idoma people. Idoma oral tradition observe that, agriculture predated their migration from Apa whose kings were referred to as the Lords of agriculture and stock pillar of grains.10 Necessity they say is the mother of inventions. The Idoma people in their bid to adapt to their immediate environment develop indigenous technology; resulting in local crafts and manufacturing industries. Such include iron smelting/black smelting, cloth weaving and dyeing, pottery, basket weaving, and brewing of “BURUKUTU” and “ENYI” and woodcarvings. The Idoma, however, exchange their goods like farm produce and products of local craft with one another, thus necessitating markets of different sizes which criss-cross Idoma land and are generally convened on a four day rotation basis as practice in Igbo land. CULTURAL IDENTITY: IDOMA TRIBAL MARK AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE. Cultural identity expresses the unique nature of a particular group. Emphasis is also laid on the authenticity of the group in question, that is, what makes a group of persons living in community unique and diferent from other communities around. Since our concern is on tribal marks of the Idoma people, it is petinent to delve into the subject matter without much adue. Idoma people are known for lovers of peace and respect for human life. this evident the reason why an idoma person makes sure he tries his ardent best to prevent any circumstance that may lead to destruction of lives. During the biara war between 1967 – 1969, tribal mark was the order of the day. This is mainly given to help in identification. Each family or clan had a peculiar way of administering the mark. However, tribal mark among the Idoma people has a unique 'triubal mark in idoma and their significance. 1. Opito : this is a kind of mark that is meant for children who are observed to be “ born to die”, that is, those children that has “abiku’ trait in them. The mark is given to prevent them from dying. It is also a sign of a family that has lost most of their members especially at a very tender age. 2. Ogbageje: This type of mark is mostly meant for a more serious case than that of Opito. For easy identification, people often associate Ogbageje with the Arabic numeral,11(eleven). This has become popular such that people now call such mark, “number 11.” It also signifies or meant the same purpose as that o Opito. 3. Anyaku: This is a kind of tribal mark that has similar signification with that of “Opito”, only that Anyaku is more prominent in the area of a child that experiences acute convulsion. This mark is given and accompanied by herbal drugs to check the disease. 4. “Ina k’efu”. This is a peculiar mark that is specially meant for identification. Prior to the civil war of 1967, this type of mark is used to identify persons of the same lineage. Also during the Biafra war, the mark became prominent to differentiate between an Idoma person from some other persons. This type of tribal mark is commonly called “Sergeant” because it is similar to the symbol of the rank of sergeant in Nigerian Armforce. Furthermore, it is crucial to mention that, tribal mark among the Idoma people is manifested by those whom the community deem fit. Usually, it is embarked by men who are trained by the community to take such task. However, women are also allowed to give to administer tribal mark on the condition that such women have arrived menopause. Hence, among the Idoma people, Tribal Marks is not just done by any unprofessional to suit his whims and caprices. It must be a as a result of circumstance or dare need of a particular clan. CONCLUSION. Having done with Tribal marks among Idama people, it is also pertinent to mention few cultural material that demonstrates Idoma self-identity and authenticity. Worthy of mentioning here is the cultural belief behind the use of red, black and sometimes, gold by the Idoma people. **.Red signifies the sacrifices of blood shed by the ancestors for the growth and development of the Idomaland. Black signifies the beauty of African. The Africa continent is known for its dark and tough skin. This is prominent among Idoma blood such that the population of Idoma is predominantly coloured by dark skin. Fair skins are found just one in a hundred. Gold signifies eternity, permanence, and imperishability. This expresses the idea of immortality by the Idoma people. It is believed that life is continuum among the Idoma people, such that belief in reincarnation is at the kernel of the people’s conception about life. Death is just but a transition into yet another level o existence. REFERENCES 1. O.O. Okpeh, Inter-group Relations in Nigeria: Idoma and their Neighbours during the 19th and 20th centuries’ Ph.D. proposal. History Department university of Jos,p.9 2. R.G. Amstrong, ‘The use of linguistic and ethnographic Data in the study of Idoma and Yoruba History, in vasina et al (ed), The Historian in Tropical Africa, Oxford 1964. p.20 3. E.O. Erim. The Idoma Nationality 1600-1900:problems of studying the origin and development of Ethnicity, Enugu: Forth dimension publishing 1981,p.9 4. Ibid, p.3 5. E.O. Erim, (ed) Studies in Idoma History and culture. Calabar: wusen press 1988, p.49 6. O.O. Okpeh, Inter-group Relations in Nigeria. opcit p.1 7. V.G. Okwu, The establishment of colonial Administration Idoma land 1921-1938, in savanna, a journal of the environmental and social science, vol.5 No. 1 publication of ABU Zaria 1976 p.30 8. A.M. Okpeh, The History of Political Development in Idoma Division 1900-1966; B.A project work, History department University of Mauduguri, 1984 p.90 9. O.O. Okpeh, Inter-group relations in Nigeria. op cit. p.3 10. J.E. Agada, Colonialism and the Introduction of Cash Economy in Idoma land; M.A Thesis, History Department, University of Jos, 1996 p.90